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Source: Neil Jarman, Shared Space 3 This chapter describes how community-based initiatives in Northern Ireland during the transition period into peace today have become primary forms of policing rather than elements of peacebuilding. The author describes how many of these initiatives began as networks responding to incidents in coordination with their counterparts and monitoring public events, such as parades, and key to their activities is that they only deal with members of their own community. Although they have been successful, the author questions in the conclusion if they should continue to have such influence long-term based on their associations with para-miltiarism, which historically has created alternatives to the state's justice, punishment, and policing structures.
Source: Bruce Baker, Journal of Contemporary African Studies 23, no. 3This article examines police structures in Sierra Leone, where the small Sierra Leone Police (SLP) generally are distrusted and only capable of providing limited policing services. This has made non-state groups such as state approved private and community initiatives as well as unauthorized groups and mobs important policing actors. While mobs of youth actually provide security in areas where the SLP are really seen, this raises serious questions about competence, accessibility, and accountability. Since increasing funding of the SLP at this time is unrealistic, the author therefore recommends strengthening the state approved policing initiatives, legal institutions, and civic education in order to encourage positive citizenship.
Source: Michael Brogden, Liverpool Law Review, 24, no. 3 The author examines export of the community oriented policing model (COP) by Western donor states to developing democracies, and uses the case of South Africa to show the limitations of this approach. He argues that COP often not has taken local circumstances and experiences into account, been insensitive to social contexts as many developing states often are less homogeneous than Western states, and has failed to recognize other alternative ways of policing, as for example the gendarmerie tradition. The author concludes with criticism of the idea that community policing as implied by scholars in the Anglo-American scholars is an inevitable result of industrial and social development.
Source: http://www.dcaf.ch/
Source: http://www.ssrnetwork.net/
Source: http://www.osce.org/spmu/
Policy Analysis and Practitioner Documents (View All 11 Matches)
Source: Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE)The guidebook focuses on the key principles of democratic policing, and it aims at providing an overview of these for practitioners and policy makers dealing with police reform and law enforcement issues. The five key principles outlined are the objectives of democratic policing, upholding the rule of law, police ethics and human rights, accountability and transparency, and organization and management issues. Each principle and its specific consequences are then described in detail. The guidebook concludes with highlighting the importance of adhering to international laws and human rights standards as well as of training of these principles to every single police officer.
Source: SaferworldThis report evaluates community policing in Kenya and focuses on several specific projects are examining the overall development of a national community policing strategy for all of Kenya. The author first outlines the concept of community policing and then show Kenya's need for a police reform based on these principles. He then analyzes community-based policing in practice in Kenya through several case studies. After highlighting the future challenges for police reform in Kenya, the report provides a list of lessons learned, which could be applied in projects in other countries.
Source: Thorsten Stodiek, Centre for OSCE ResearchThis working paper focuses on police reform in post-socialist war-torn societies and examines the cases of Kosovo, South Serbia, and Macedonia. In all three cases the region or country faced the challenge of creating a multi-ethnic police force in areas with weak democratic institutions and underdeveloped civil societies as well as lack of resources and local political ownership of the reforms. The author concludes that while the planned number of officers in all three cases had been trained, and the social environment within the multi-ethnic forces as well as the general reputation of the police had improved, the degree of education was still low, unqualified officers were still hired, and the cooperation between the police and judiciary was still poor. The author therefore ends with recommending the provision of more training and better resources, the continuation of reform programs, and more efforts put into winning the trust of all ethnic groups.
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